Gift-giving festival and economic system
For other uses, see Potlatch (disambiguation).
Not tinge be confused with Potluck.
A potlatch is a gift-giving feast practised by Indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast of Canada and the United States,[1] among whom it is traditionally description primary governmental institution, legislative body, and economic system.[clarification needed][2] That includes the Heiltsuk, Haida, Nuxalk, Tlingit,[3]Makah, Tsimshian,[4]Nuu-chah-nulth,[5]Kwakwaka'wakw,[2] and Coast Indian cultures.[6] Potlatches are also a common feature of the peoples of the Interior and of the Subarctic adjoining the Point Coast, although mostly without the elaborate ritual and gift-giving thriftiness of the coastal peoples (see Athabaskan potlatch).
A potlatch argues giving away or destroying wealth or valuable items in uproar to demonstrate a leader's wealth and power. Potlatches are further focused on the reaffirmation of family, clan, and international make contacts, and the human connection with the supernatural world. Potlatch along with serves as a strict resource management regime, where coastal peoples discuss, negotiate, and affirm rights to and uses of definite territories and resources.[7][8][9] Potlatches often involve music, dancing, singing, storytelling, making speeches, and often joking and games. The honouring constantly the supernatural and the recitation of oral histories are a central part of many potlatches.
From 1885 to 1951, rendering Government of Canadacriminalized potlatches. However, the practice persisted underground notwithstanding the risk of government reprisals including mandatory jail sentences guide at least two months; the practice has also been planned by many anthropologists. Since the practice was decriminalized in 1951, the potlatch has re-emerged in some communities. In many flux is still the bedrock of Indigenous governance, as in say publicly Haida Nation, which has rooted its democracy in potlatch law.[10][11]
The word comes from the Chinook Jargon, meaning "to give away" or "a gift"; originally from the Nuu-chah-nulth word paɬaˑč, fight back make a ceremonial gift in a potlatch.[1]
A potlatch was held on the occasion of births, deaths, adoptions, weddings, and overturn major events. Typically the potlatch was practiced more in depiction winter seasons as historically the warmer months were for procuring wealth for the family, clan, or village, then coming fair and sharing that with neighbors and friends. The event was hosted by a numaym, or 'House', in Kwakwaka'wakw culture. A numaym was a complex cognatic kin group usually headed spawn aristocrats, but including commoners and occasional slaves. It had lurk one hundred members and several would be grouped together jolt a nation. The House drew its identity from its heritable founder, usually a mythical animal who descended to earth turf removed his animal mask, thus becoming human. The mask became a family heirloom passed from father to son along be equivalent the name of the ancestor himself. This made him rendering leader of the numaym, considered the living incarnation of description founder.[12]: 192
Only rich people could host a potlatch. Tribal slaves were not allowed to attend a potlatch as a host thwart a guest. In some instances, it was possible to fake multiple hosts at one potlatch ceremony (although when this occurred the hosts generally tended to be from the same family). If a member of a nation had suffered an wrong or indignity, hosting a potlatch could help to heal their tarnished reputation (or "cover his shame", as anthropologist H. G. Barnett worded it).[13] The potlatch was the occasion on which titles associated with masks and other objects were "fastened on" to a new office holder. Two kinds of titles were transferred on these occasions. Firstly, each numaym had a circulation of named positions of ranked "seats" (which gave them a seat at potlatches) transferred within itself. These ranked titles given rights to hunting, fishing and berrying territories.[12]: 198 Secondly, there were a number of titles that would be passed between numayma, usually to in-laws, which included feast names that gave solve a role in the Winter Ceremonial.[12]: 194 Aristocrats felt safe scratchy these titles to their out-marrying daughter's children because this girl and her children would later be rejoined with her territory numaym and the titles returned with them.[12]: 201 Any one single might have several "seats" which allowed them to sit, hole rank order, according to their title, as the host displayed and distributed wealth and made speeches. Besides the transfer classic titles at a potlatch, the event was given "weight" inured to the distribution of other less important objects such as Chilkat blankets, animal skins (later Hudson Bay blankets) and ornamental "coppers". It is the distribution of large numbers of Hudson Recess blankets, and the destruction of valued coppers that first player government attention (and censure) to the potlatch.[12]: 205 On occasion, crystalized food was also given as a gift during a potlatch ceremony. Gifts known as sta-bigs consisted of preserved food guarantee was wrapped in a mat or contained in a warehousing basket.[14]
Dorothy Johansen describes the dynamic: "In the potlatch, the inactive in effect challenged a guest chieftain to exceed him utilize his 'power' to give away or to destroy goods. Pretend the guest did not return 100 percent on the gifts received and destroy even more wealth in a bigger professor better bonfire, he and his people lost face and positive his 'power' was diminished."[15] Hierarchical relations within and between clans, villages, and nations, were observed and reinforced through the apportionment or sometimes destruction of wealth, dance performances, and other ceremonies. The status of any given family is raised not invitation who has the most resources, but by who distributes depiction most resources. The hosts demonstrate their wealth and prominence put up with giving away goods.
Potlatch ceremonies were also used as coming-of-age rituals. When children were born, they would be given their first name at the time of their birth (which was usually associated with the location of their birthplace). About a year later, the child's family would hold a potlatch service give gifts to the guests in attendance on behalf pressure the child. During this potlatch, the family would give rendering child their second name. Once the child reached about 12 years of age, they were expected to hold a potlatch of their own by giving out small gifts that they had collected to their family and people, at which centre of attention they would be able to receive their third name.[16]
For dire cultures, such as Kwakwaka'wakw, elaborate and theatrical dances are performed reflecting the hosts' genealogy and cultural wealth. Many of these dances are also sacred ceremonies of secret societies like rendering hamatsa, or display of family origin from supernatural creatures specified as the dzunukwa.
Chief O'wax̱a̱laga̱lis of the Kwagu'ł describes rendering potlatch in his famous speech to anthropologist Franz Boas,
We will dance when our laws command us to dance, awe will feast when our hearts desire to feast. Do incredulity ask the white man, 'Do as the Indian does'? No, we do not. Why, then, will you ask us, 'Do as the white man does'? It is a strict accumulation that bids us to dance. It is a strict alteration that bids us to distribute our property among our alters ego and neighbors. It is a good law. Let the snowwhite man observe his law; we shall observe ours. And hear, if you are come to forbid us to dance, begone; if not, you will be welcome to us.[17]
Among the diversified First Nations groups which inhabited the region along the beach, a variety of differences existed in regards to practises relating to the potlatch ceremony. Each nation, community, and sometimes family maintained its own way of practicing the potlatch with various presentation and meaning. The Tlingit and Kwakiutl nations of say publicly Pacific Northwest, for example, held potlatch ceremonies for different occasions. The Tlingit potlatches occurred for succession (the granting of tribal titles or land) and funerals. The Kwakiutl potlatches, on rendering other hand, occurred for marriages and incorporating new people hurt the nation (i.e., the birth of a new member as a result of the nation.)[18] The potlatch, as an overarching term, is from head to toe general, since some cultures have many words in their idiom for various specific types of gatherings. It is important cross your mind keep this variation in mind as most of our inclusive knowledge of the potlatch was acquired from the Kwakwaka'wakw defeat Fort Rupert on Vancouver Island in the period 1849 endorse 1925, a period of great social transition in which go to regularly aspects of the potlatch became exacerbated in reaction to efforts by the Canadian government to culturally assimilate First Nations communities into the dominant white culture.[12]: 188–208
Prior to European colonization, gifts facade storable food (oolichan, or candlefish, oil or dried food), canoes, slaves, and ornamental "coppers" among aristocrats, but not resource-generating assets such as hunting, fishing and berrying territories. Coppers were sheets of beaten copper, shield-like in appearance; they were about cardinal feet long, wider on top, cruciform frame and schematic air on the top half. None of the copper used was ever of Indigenous metal. A copper was considered the commensurate of a slave. They were only ever owned by unattached aristocrats, and never by numaym, hence could circulate between accumulations. Coppers began to be produced in large numbers after rendering colonization of Vancouver Island in 1849 when war and enthralment were ended.[12]: 206
The arrival of Europeans resulted in the introduction cut into numerous diseases against which Indigenous peoples had no immunity, resulting in a massive population decline. Competition for the fixed edition of potlatch titles grew as commoners began to seek titles from which they had previously been excluded by making their own remote or dubious claims validated by a potlatch. Aristocrats increased the size of their gifts in order to preserve their titles and maintain social hierarchy.[19] This resulted in conclude inflation in gifting made possible by the introduction of mass-produced trade goods in the late 18th and earlier 19th centuries. Archaeological evidence for the potlatching ceremony is suggested from interpretation ~1,000 year-old Pickupsticks site in interior Alaska.[20]
Tlingit funerals conducted aboard potlatches usually had a celebratory element to them.[3]
Main article: Potlatch Ban
Potlatching was made illegal in Canada in 1884 comport yourself an amendment to the Indian Act,[21]. To some extent, that was at the urging of missionaries and government agents who considered it "a worse than useless custom" that was forget as wasteful, unproductive, and contrary to 'civilized values' of accumulation.[22] The Potlatch was seen as a key target in acculturation policies and agendas. Missionary William Duncan wrote in 1875 think it over the potlatch was "by far the most formidable of draw back obstacles in the way of Indians becoming Christians, or unexcitable civilized".[23]
Sectors of native communities themselves also opposed the practices. Add on 1883 the department of Indian affairs received a petition[24] expend the Coast Tsimshian and Nisga’a Chiefs at Port Simpson, Kincolith, Green Ville "praying that the system of Potlatching as experienced by many Indian Tribes on the Coast of British River may be put down”[25].
Thus in 1884, the Indian Act was revised to include clauses banning the Potlatch take up making it illegal to practice. Section 3 of the Act read,
Every Indian or other person who engages in or assists appearance celebrating the Indian festival known as the "Potlatch" or picture Indian dance known as the "Tamanawas" is guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall be liable to imprisonment for a passing not more than six nor less than two months lead to any gaol or other place of confinement; and, any Amerindian or other person who encourages, either directly or indirectly, erior Indian or Indians to get up such a festival act for dance, or to celebrate the same, or who shall be there for in the celebration of same is guilty of a lack offence, and shall be liable to the same punishment.[26]
In 1888, the anthropologist Franz Boas described the potlatch ban as a failure:
The second reason for the discontent among the Indians is a law that was passed, some time ago, droning the celebrations of festivals. The so-called potlatch of all these tribes hinders the single families from accumulating wealth. It run through the great desire of every chief and even of at times man to collect a large amount of property, and substantiate to give a great potlatch, a feast in which vagabond is distributed among his friends, and, if possible, among representation neighboring tribes. These feasts are so closely connected with description religious ideas of the natives, and regulate their mode ingratiate yourself life to such an extent, that the Christian tribes next to Victoria have not given them up. Every present received test a potlatch has to be returned at another potlatch, station a man who would not give his feast in scrutiny time would be considered as not paying his debts. Hence the law is not a good one, and can put together be enforced without causing general discontent. Besides, the Government shambles unable to enforce it. The settlements are so numerous, unthinkable the Indian agencies so large, that there is nobody next prevent the Indians doing whatsoever they like.[27]
Eventually[when?] the potlatch handle roughly, as it became known, was amended to be more wide and address technicalities that had led to dismissals of prosecutions by the court. Legislation included guests who participated in interpretation ceremony. The Indigenous people were too large to police near the law too difficult to enforce. Duncan Campbell Scott confident Parliament to change the offence from criminal to summary, which meant "the agents, as justice of the peace, could set sights on a case, convict, and sentence".[28] Even so, except in a few small areas, the law was generally perceived as rough and untenable. Even the Indian agents employed to enforce depiction legislation considered it unnecessary to prosecute, convinced instead that interpretation potlatch would diminish as younger, educated, and more "advanced" Indians took over from the older Indians, who clung tenaciously yearning the custom.[29]
The potlatch ban was repealed in 1951.[30] Sustaining say publicly customs and culture of their ancestors, Indigenous people now truthfully hold potlatches to commit to the restoring of their ancestors' ways. Potlatches now occur frequently and increasingly more over picture years as families reclaim their birthright. Anthropologist Sergei Kan was invited by the Tlingit nation to attend several potlatch ceremonies between 1980 and 1987 and observed several similarities and differences between traditional and contemporary potlatch ceremonies. Kan notes that nearby was a language gap during the ceremonies between the experienced members of the nation and the younger members of representation nation (age fifty and younger) due to the fact put off most of the younger members of the nation do mass speak the Tlingit language. Kan also notes that unlike prearranged potlatches, contemporary Tlingit potlatches are no longer obligatory, resulting show only about 30% of the adult tribal members opting pick out participate in the ceremonies that Kan attended between 1980 nearby 1987. Despite these differences, Kan stated that he believed think about it many of the essential elements and spirit of the regular potlatch were still present in the contemporary Tlingit ceremonies.[31]
In his 1925 book The Gift, the French ethnologist Marcel Mauss used the term potlatch to refer to a whole commandeering of exchange practices in tribal societies characterized by "total prestations", i.e., a system of gift giving with political, religious, blood and economic implications.[32] These societies' economies are marked by rendering competitive exchange of gifts, in which gift-givers seek to out-give their competitors so as to capture important political, kinship person in charge religious roles. Other examples of this "potlatch type" of bestow economy include the Kula ring found in the Trobriand Islands.[12]: 188–208